HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY FROM A WORLD PERSPECTIVE

Pedro Paulo A. Funari[1]

(Complete mailing address: Av. São Remo, 463, apt.61A, São Paulo, SP, 05360-150, tel: 011-8692310; fax: 019-2393327; e-mail: funari@turing.unicamp.br)

Running head: Historical archaeology from a world perspective

Abstract:

                               The paper discusses the epistemological implications of an international historical archaeology, a discipline whose features, purposes and goals are subjected to debate.  It deals with historical archaeology as an American discipline which studies the postprehistoric period, then deals with the European outlook, as it prefers to divide archaeologies according to time periods, like classical, medieval and industrial archaeologies. The association of historical archaeology and the study of global capitalism is discussed and confronted to the non-capitalist features of Latin America. The paper proposes that a world perspective would stress pluralism and dialogue between the different archaeological traditions, to the benefit of knowldege itself.

Key words:

Historical archaeology; Americas and Europe; World archaeology; Medieval archaeology; Classical archaeology.

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY FROM A WORLD PERSPECTIVE

INTRODUCTION

                               During the World Archaeological Congress 3 in New Delhi, India (4th-11th December, 1994), Martin Hall, Sîan Jones and the author organized a theme on “Changing Perspectives on Historical Archaeology”, gathering papers on four main topics: exploring epistemological problems: questions of definition of the subject (organized by P.P.A. Funari); the plurality of material culture: race, ethnicity, tribe, class and gender (organized by S. Jones); archaeology an the representation of modern identities: national, colonial imperial (organized by Timothy Champion); feminist historical archaeology (organized by S. Spencer-Wood). Overall there were fifty papers from scholars all over the world, which will be published as a One World Archaeology volume entitled “Back from the Edge: archaeology in history”,  dealing with a wide variety of historical periods, like ancient Palestine (Jones, 1994), Roman Britain (Hingley, 1994), early Medieval Ireland (Mytum, 1994)  or contemporary Italian archaeology (Levi, 1994), and comprising not only Europe and the United States but also Africa (e.g. Pikarayi, 1994), Australia (e.g. Colley, 1994), Asia (e.g. Mani, 1994) and South America (e.g. Bárcena, 1994). There emerged a clear divide between most United States scholars, concerned with the period from the end of the fifteenth century onwards, and Europeans and others who were ready to include in the historical archaeology label studies on Classical Athens (by an Australian, Zarmati, 1994, and by an American, Small, 1994), on Pre-Roman Iberian societies (by a Spaniard, Díaz-Andreu, 1994) or on Pre-Modern India (Mani, 1994). The first aim of this paper is thus to discuss the epistemological implications of an international historical archaeology, a worldwide discipline whose features, purposes, and goals are very much subjected to debate.

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, AN AMERICAN DISCIPLINE

                               It is fair to say that there has been a longstanding  lack of communication between the two main archaeological traditions, European archaeology being linked to philology and history and American archaeology being an offspring of anthropology. As late as 1989, Bruce G. Trigger was keen to emphasize that European and United States archaeologists live in rather different academic contexts:

                               “Extraordinary as it may seem to those who have been trained in the Western European and Soviet tradition of archaeological research, history, both as a discipline and as a methodology, has always been viewed as largely irrelevant to prehistoric archaeology in the United States” (Trigger, 1989, p. 19).

                               Earlier, just when the archaeology of historic sites was becoming the newly created “historical archaeology” discipline, Iain C. Walker, trained in Great Britain in prehistoric European archaeology, published in the first issue of Historical Archaeology a paper on methods and principles in historic archaeology and again chose to highlight the split between the two archaeologies:

                               “The major difference between the Old and the New World approaches to archaeology seems to the writer to be that while the latter is more concerned with classification and abstract concepts, the former is more concerned with ‘historical’ interpretation of prehistoric material. It is perhaps partly for this reason that ‘historic’ patterns in prehistory do not seem to be nearly as advanced here as those in Europe, and why in Britain and in modern Near and Middle Eastern excavations archaeology has come to mean much more than merely exacavation” (Walker, 1967, p. 25).

                               Reading these comments, it is invitable to remind Evelyn Waugh’s British sense of humour when she said that “we are all American at puberty; we die French”. However, it was not by chance that historical archaeology begun in the United States and the use of the term is still very much American, rather than English, who prefer to use different and more specific terms, like medieval, post-medieval, and so forth (note the use of historic by Walker in the title of his paper; cf. Austin, n.d., p. 3). In the United States, prehistoric sites were easily distinguished from historical (Euroamerican, colonial, or postcolonial) sites, as were Native and American settlements, illiterate and literate societies, precapitalist and capitalist economies. These clear-cut binary oppositions should be linked to the realization by the Americans that as there was a study of the material culture of Indians, by prehistorians who looked for their way of life, there should be a historical preservation of our (i.e. Euroamerican) own heritage (Orser and Fagan, 1995, p.6). Native American villages were viewed as separate and distinct entities from European and European American settlements demanding different teams of specialist researchers (Lightfoot, 1995, p. 202). From its inception, then, historical archaeology would not fit in the traditional anthropological framework of American archaeology, but on the contrary it inevitably established links with history and other related disciplines. Ivor Noël Hume (1969, pp. 9 and 13) in his pioneer book on the subject went so far as to relate directly Classics and History to the new discipline, as did almost simultaneously Robert Schuyler (1970, p.84), when justifying its very existence:

                               “<First,> the past is worth studying as soon as it becomes in danger of being lost; second, the past of Roman Britain and Colonial America are being destroyed at much the same rate; third, the relics of Colonial America are to the United States what Roman remains are to Britain...I am not suggesting that anthropologists cannot be good historical archaeologists, only that initially they do not know the documentary sources essential to the study of historical artifacts”.

                               From the start, then, historic sites archaeology was an interdisciplinary endeavor (Larrabe, 1969, p.71), coalescing history and archaeology (McKay, 1976, p.95) and encompassing ethnohistory, and ethnography (Kutsche et al., 1976, p.13), aiming at tranforming anthropology departments into material culture departments (Deetz, 1977a, p.12). It would not take long time to enlarge the scope of historical archaeology research to include the study not only of elite heritage but also of ordinary people’s evidence, notably slaves’ material culture (Ascher and Fairbanks, 1971, p.3). In the beginning of the 1990s, Barbara Little and Paul Shackel (1992, p.4) considered that history was a vital element in historical archaeology interpretation and this in clear break with the overall anti-historical trend in prehistoric archaeology in the United States which is still pervasive (Randall McGuire, personal communication; cf. Rogers, 1997, p. 159). This reinforces the divide between an anthropological prehistoric archaeology, on the one hand, and a more ambigous historical archaeology whose definition stress the study of the post-prehistoric period (Orser  and Fagan, 1995, p.14) and which is considered as a historical discipline (Potter, n.d., p.5) . The clear-cut prehistoric/historic periods divide, traditional in the United States scholarship and often reinstated by prehistorians and historical archaeologists alike, would however struck scholars elsewhere.

THE EUROPEAN OUTLOOK

                               Archaeology in Europe sprang from antiquarianism and art history (Carandini, 1979, pp.34-48), on the one hand, and from Philologie and Altertumswissenschaft, on the other (Champion, 1990, p.89). The continue occupation of settlements from at least the Late Iron Age up to the present day, with easily distinguishible but at the same time enmeshed Roman, Medieval and Modern structures. If our ancestors in the United States were the pilgrims, French children used to sing their ...Gallic forefathers! - Les Gaullois, nos fières aieux...- Perhaps the best word to describe European perception of the past is addition, viewing change as part of a continous process of adding new elements. The same French child of supposed Gallic descent would not be shocked by the fact that Charlemagne did speak Old German and was crowned Roman emperor! Continuity is thus a password to European Weltanschauung (Stierle, 1979, p.106 et passim), and it is symptomatic that Braudel (1969)’s “long term” or  longue durée concept would gain overwhelming acceptance in the Old World (cf. Schulin, 1987, for a German overwiew on the subject) and beyond (cf. Miceli, 1995).

                               From the start, archaeology has been a philological discipline in two interrelated ways. First and foremost, the study of prehistoric, protohistoric or later sites in Europe depends on commanding the knowledge of languages used by written documents to describe them: Greek, Latin, and then modern vernacular tongues. So, the often quoted words by Mortimer Wheeler (1956, p. 17) that the archaeologist is digging up people, not things is followed by a Shakespearean quote: “Of our scraps and pieces we may say, with Mark Antony in the market-place, ‘You are not wood, you are not stones, but men’” (from Julius Caesar, act III, 149). There is, hoewever, no explicit reference to Shakespeare and to who was Mark Antony! In the same notable book, Wheeler (1956, p. 236) pledges for a humanistic approach to the discipline for the archaeologist must not be a “mere homunculus”, a contemptous manikin. Again, there is no translation, as the Latin derogatory term should be known: classics should be a common background all over the western world (Rowse, 1948, p. 162). Archaeology has been philological in another essential way too, in its methods, as it tries to read artifacts, art works and layers. The social world is polysemous (Shanks and Hodder, 1995, p.8) and archaeologists must read texts, material and written alike (Austin and Thomas, 1990, p.45). All terms with clear philological overtones.

                               History itself sprung from philology and any historian eo ipso must be able to read written documents, be they in Latin or in Old English. The same applies to the archaeologist, as history is a unified discipline and documentary and archaeological evidence must be assessed in tandem (Webster, 1986, p. 156). Throughout Europe, then, archaeology’s closest intellectual ties are with history (Hodder, 1991, p.10; cf. Olivier and Coudart, 1995), even considering that in the last decades archaeology developed as an independent field as the study of material culture (cf. Klejn, 1995, p.40). History itself is increasingly more anthropological, both disciplines looking for ordinary people’s culture (Gourevitch, 1991, p. 135 et passim), a traditional feature of archaeology and its study of common pottery and stone tools.  The three disciplines increasingly acknowledged the narrative character of science (Ulin, 1994; Shanks and McGuire, 1996, p.82) as well as its subjective and poetic features: ein Mischwesen aus Wissenschaft und Kunst, “science and art at the same time” (Strasburger, 1966, p.55; cf. Maier, 1984).

                               The emphasis on the study of languages led European archaeology to be characterized by historic periods and geographical specializations, like Classical, Prehistorical, Biblical, Egyptian, Medieval or Industrial archaeologies, even though early on Childe or Wheeler would not limit their interests to one period and area alone; a minority continue to swap and cross the border between different specializations (e.g. Shanks, 1993; Funari, 1993). The archaeology of Medieval and Post-Medieval periods would develop recently and  Carandini (1979, pp. 322-3) probably offered the best European definition of these disciplines:

                               “We have prehistoric, classical, medieval and post-medieval archaeologies. They are defined, as we can see, by the main periods of our history: from community village, through the ancient city to the precapitalist town. Following this historic reasoning, industrial archaeology cannot be defined except as the archaeology of capitalist social societies” (italics in the original).

                               Each time period, with different modes of productions, should thus be dealt with by a different branch of archaeology (prehistoric, classical, medieval, post-medieval and industrial; e.g. Kobylinski, 1996; Musin, 1996; Represa, 1996). However, if this was the succession of historical periods in Europe, the scheme would not necessarily apply to the whole world. So, the leading Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci (1979, p. 86) emphasised that “ancient”, “medieval” and even “modern” periods would not apply world over, and followed Marx (1964) in suggesting that Asia did not witness true capitalism up to a very late stage: “In China, the abolute monarchy was established in 221 BC and continued up to 1912, even though there were different dynasties, foreign invasions and so on. This is the interesting point: every new ruler finds the ruling framework already in place, seizing it as he takes over the central power” (Gramsci, 1979, p. 115; cf. a modern discussion in Larsen, 1989, p. 235 et passim). Gramsci was also following the steps of John Stuart Mill (1985, p. 136), who considered that “the greater part of the world has, properly speaking, no history, because despotism of custom is complete. This is the case over the whole East”. Privileges prevailed even in Europe for the whole Modern Period, up to the late eighteenth century (Cobban, 1961). The Marxist French historian  Albert Soboul (1965, p.5) considered that in France the 1789 “Revolution signs the inception of the bourgeois and capitalist society, destroying the seigneurial regime and the feudal ranks” (cf. Lefebvre, 1970, pp. 6-61). In general terms, modern bourgeois capitalist societies is the result of two main classes, capitalists and waged workers (Spinella, 1978, p. 11), again a fairly recent development in world history and the word itself “capitalism” enters the English vocabulary as late as the 1860s (Hobsbawn, 1985, p. 13; cf. Williams, 1988, p.51).

                               It is in this context that we should consider the traditional labeling of archaeologies in Europe. So,  Medieval archaeology, with its first sprouts in the nineteenth century (La Rocca, 1993, pp. 40-1; Yanine, 1983), would only really take off in the last decades of this century and post-medieval sites were to be studied even later (cf. Riu, 1989, on the Catalonian case). The first analytical study of eighteenth century archaeological material from Rome was carried out by classical archaeologists in the 1980s (Manacorda, 1984, p. 10). Medieval archaeology is now well established from Portugal (cf. Fontes, 1992) to Russia (Tchernov, personal communication; cf. Tchernov, 1996), industrial archaeology developed fast as “the social history of the working class” (Cerdà, 1991, p. 420), reaching most European countries (cf. Nunes, 1994), but post-medieval and preindustrial archaeology lagged behind, with the exception of Renaissance pottery studies (Lester and Lester, 1976; Bandini, G. et al., 1995; Battaglia, L. et al., 1995). A recent conference at the British Museum on “The Age of Transition - The Archaeology of English Culture 1400-1600” gathered scholars  interested on the subject and the organizers where keen to recognize that:

                               “The years between 1400 and 1600 represent a period of transition in both the material life and mentality of most Europeans. Regretably, with traditional demarcation lines rigidly separating the historical study of medieval and post-medieval society, this epoch is rarely treated as a whole, with the result that only aspects of cultural change have received attention, frequently in isolation from each other. This conference will challenge that divide, and will evaluate the contribuition of archaeology to the question of continuity and change” (Societies,  1996, 2, p. 15).

                               Thus, even if disciplinary boundaries continue to hold, there is a growing pledge for the synthetic study of society, including archaeology, history, anthropology, classical philology (Kristiansen, 1995, p.143) and other disciplines, aiming at historizising both scientific interpretive frameworks and at the “invention” of evidence, as understood by Shanks and Hodder (1995, p.11), both finding and creative power, as it is proposed by the French social scientist Pierre Bourdieu (1996, p.79: es handelt sich darum, methodisch und systematisch eine doppelte Historisierung zu volziehen. Erstens eine Historisierung des Subjekts der Geschichtsforschung, d.h. seiner Konzepte und Klassifikationschemata...zweitens, eine Historisierung der analysirten ‘Daten’...; a much earlier pledge for interdisciplinary cooperation in Caro Baroja, 1983, p.19 t passim). European contextual archaeology is thus an interdisciplinary endeavour (Miller and Tilley, 1966, pp. 5-6) and the boundaries break down not only between disciplines but between the different archaeologies. The simultaneous study of Classical Athenian and United States cemeteries is a good example of the growing interest in overcoming old divisions and producing innovative results (Small, 1994; Small, 1995). A symposium on “Americanist approaches to the late prehistoric and early medieval European archaeology”, at the 62nd SAA Annual Meeting, in Nashville, Tennessee, 1997 witnesses the increasing interest in overcoming the American/European traditional divide (SAA, 1997, p. 23).

ARE THERE PERIPHERAL OUTLOOKS?

                               North American and European outlooks are hegemonic worldwide and it is fair to say that the rest of the world try and emulate the scholarly developments in the two scientific cores. Asia and Africa are  naturally closer to European archaeology (cf. the book edited by Peter Ucko, 1995), because of the continuity of their history, from late prehistoric times up to the present day, and also because of the influence of the former imperial powers. South African archaeologist Aron Mazel’ s arguments for a historical approach to prehistory, even though acknowledging American theoretical contribuitions to the the study of the subject, is probably a good example of African and Asian preference for an European historical outlook: “the end must be historical and all else used as a means to this end” (Mazel, 1989, p. 28).  For Latin America, the picture is less clear, as the overwhelming  prestige of American science is counterbalanced by European inroads (Prous, 1994; Funari, 1995; Politis, 1995). Latin America is however the only other part of the world where the term ‘historical archaeology’ is commonly used by archaeologists to refer to the post-prehistoric period (from the fifteenth century onwards), as pre-European and colonial settlements are easy to distinguish. However, the clear-cut binary oppositions prevailing in the United States were not present in Latin America, for the catholic Conquistador was no puritan pilgrim and the Indians were not foreigners in their own land but slaves or dependent workers. “Prehistoric” tools could continue in use for long time after the arrival of the Europeans, not only in the backlands but at the heart itself of the colonial world, in towns and landed properties (cf. Ximena, 1995, pp. 101-104). The only regional school of archaeological theory in Latin America, the so-called Latin American Social Archaeology, considers archaeology as history (Fonseca, 1990), but do not oppose prehistoric and historic periods, and, as a consequence, prehistoric and historical archaeologies are put together (cf. Vargas, 1990, pp. 7-18). Most archaeologists studying historical sites and subjects do work as prehistorians too (e.g. Kern, 1994a, on prehistory and 1994b, on historical archaeology; López, n.d.; Fahmel, 1993, inter alios; an overview in Funari, 1994).

THE REVOLUTIONARY RÔLE OF CAPITALISM AND A POSSIBLE INTERNATIONAL OUTLOOK

                               In this fragmented picture, would it be possible to claim an universal character to historical archaeology? The most comprehensive and articulate argument for a global historical archaeology has just been formulated by Charles E. Orser (1996), pledging for the definition of the discipline as the study of the modern world, characterized by a single economy that is colonial, international and expanding. There are four key concepts defining this new reality:  global colonialism, eurocentrism, capitalism, and modernity, all interrelated developments impossible to disentangle. In the Marxist tradition, world history is considered as being divided in two different epochs, capitalism and precapitalism:

                               “The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the colonization of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities, generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development” (Marx, 1973, p.74).

                               The two periods should consequently be studied by different specialists, historical archaeologists on the one hand, and a variety of scholars on the other (prehistorians, classical, medieval archaeologists, mayanists, egyptologists and so forth). This division is explained by the fact that capitalism is one system, but precapitalism is particularistic, communal society being different from ancient slavery and from medieval serfdom. This was also Carandini’s definition who, however, preferred a later dividing period, equating capitalism and the industrial revolution (cf. below). Only capitalism, then, is coherent and makes possible that a single logic can understand the whole world. Historical archaeology is thus a multidisciplinary field linked to anthopology and history, which deals with the post-prehistoric past, and seeks to understand the global nature of modern life (Orser and Fagan, 1995, p.14). Accepting that the practices of modern peoples can have long traditions that extended backward in time beyond the proposed beginning of the new era in AD 1415, historical archaeology consider that most historical artifacts were commodities, objects created specifically for exchange (Orser and Fagan, 1995, pp.18 and 83; cf. a Marxist support for this periodization in Aguirre, 1996, p. 77, among others).

                               From the beginning of the fifteenth century (cf. Chouraqui, 1975, p35), then, it would be possible to say that capitalism was fast changing the face of the world and already at the early stages of colonization even remote settlements in the very fringes of empires used imported artifacts from very distant continents (Orser and Fagan, 1995, p.89; cf. Tchernov, 1996, p. 84). Although the link between capitalism and historical archaeology had been established in the United States almost from the inception of the discipline, and developed by different authors (e.g. Deetz, 1967b; Leone and Potter, 1988, p.4), Orser was the first to offer a complete framework to understand the modern world, directy or indirectly affected by capitalism (contra Thurman, 1996; cf. Deagan, 1997). Africans in the Americas, Native Americans enslaved, large-scale tribal disturbances in Africa, the presence of European fortresses in Asia, Africa and the Americas, all this was the result of capitalism and could not be explained without it. Pottery from everywhere, everywhere else: as never before, this was one world, the world forged by capitalism and its agents, the Europeans (Orser, 1996, p. 77 et passim). A single example would be enough: the so-called “Colono” ware pottery. Ivor Noël Hume (1962) defined as “Colono-Indian” pottery an unglazed low-fired earthenware in tidewater Virgina (USA), used in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but later on scholars proposed that the pottery was made by African slaves and Indians as well (Lees and Kimery-Lees, 1979, p. 11) and this means that it was the material result of both peoples struggles against colonialism and Eurocentrism (Orser, 1996, p. 121). Colono-ware, even though non-European in typology, could not be African, nor Native America alone, it was the material product of a new world (Orser, 1991, p.116).

NON-CAPITALIST FEATURES OF THE MODERN WORLD: LATIN AMERICA, A CASE IN POINT

                               The leading modern economic history scholar Ruggiero Romano (1984, pp. 131-2) would be one of the most qualified and coherent supporters of an interpretive framework stressing the continuities from medieval to modern times. In a by now classic paper on American feudalism, Romano proposed that:

                               “The two feudalisms (European and American) existed, but differed. American feudalism <had> four elements: (a) an economy without (or with an insufficient) monetary base; (b) an economy without (or with insufficient) freedom of access to or withdrawal from the (labor) market; (c) the same in the case of the commodity market; (d) an economy not supported by a large an dependable interior market”.

                               In Europe itself, during the first centuries of the moderna era, in the so-called Mercantilist period, there continue to be several feudal hindrances to the freedom of movement, as people and commodities were restricted by local and national barriers (cf. Florenzano, 1996, p. 23 et passim). The King of Spain could forbid from 1552 to 1559 the export of Spanish textiles, just to try and stop the increase in their prices. Later still, in 1685, 90% of the consumer price of wood going from Dresden to Hamburg by boat in the river Elbe was due to feudal taxes and customs, and the trip itself would last four times what it could, were it not for the local lords delaying customs offices (Deyon, 1989, pp. 28 and 50). Rent-collecting lordship continued to exhert extraeconomic means of control of peasants, further supplemented by complementary means of influence (Toch, 1986, p. 165). Even the accumulation of capital in the hands of merchants tended to be invested in land, reinforcing non-capitalist rural relations (Bernardo, 1995, pp. 450-451). Medieval institutions continued to prevail in the Modern World (McIIwain, 1941) and ordinary people and elites did preserve a non-capitalist, premodern Weltanschauung (Mauro, 1970, p.352) and, thus, economic behavior.

                               The economy of premodern times, from the fifteenth to the mid eighteenth century, should be considered as essentially precapitalist, both in Europe and in the colonial world, after several scholars (Cardoso and Brignoli, 1983, p. 73). In Eastern Europe there was an increase in the restricition of freedom of movement from the mid fifteenth century, reinforcing serfdom, whose abolition would be delayed for some centuries. Fiefs continued to prevail in many European regions in the seventeenth century, like in southern Italy (cf. Lepre, 1981). In the Americas, the colonial slave mode of production by definition could not be capitalist (Gorender, 1978; Cardoso, 1982; cf. Beozzo, 1978, p. 287). The relations of production in Latin America were not capitalist (Chaves, 1996, p. 132) and served, on the one hand, to the primitive acumulation of capital in some countries but, on the other, reinvigorated feudal, or at least non capitalist, domination in the Iberian Pensinsula (Wittman, 1969, p.81). Even the capture of slaves in Africa should be interpreted as a continuation of late medieval practices: when, by 1433, Henry the Navigator authorized the seizure of slaves in the regions surrounding Cape Bojador, it was soon followed by a demand of a fifth of the revenue earned in the slave trade, and the commerce was thus embedded in the Portuguese fiscal system (Miskimin, 1975, p. 162).

                               Probably, the most accomplished characterization of the premodern features of Latin America was carried out by Mexican medievalist Luis Weckmann (1992; 1993), whose books on Mexico and Brazil provide extensive and detailed analysis of feudal continuities. Let us turn our attention to Brazil, considering that in Mexico as elsewhere in Hispanic America economy and society were affected by an important Indian presence from the inception of colonial rule up to the present day (Odália, 1974, p. 58); the consequences of this will be briefly mentioned later. Colonial Brazil owned not only its very name to Medieval mythology, as the Isle of Brazil was located in Medieval maps to the west of Ireland from AD 1325, but also some important features: town councils; the cult of the Virgin; the medieval social structure (manorial property, nobility, the Order of Christ, morgadio, or eldest son birthrights; encomiendas); church institutions, music, dances and games; administrative and commercial rules; technology; scholasticism; popular Christian devotion (Weckmann, 1993, p.18).

                               Precapitalist relations would continue for the centuries to come (Chilcote, 1991, p. 30; Gadelha, 1989, p. 155). Raimundo Faoro (1976, pp.20-25), even though he did not accept to characterize Brazil as feudal, proposed that a non-capitalist patrimonial system prevailed and Francisco Iglésias (1974, p.260) considered that “the administration of Portuguese Brazil was a transplantation of institutions which had begun and developed for centuries in Europe”. The landlord was a pater familias, head of a patriarchal extended family (Einsenberg, 1983, p. 124), and it is thus no surprise to find out that in a sixteenth century  document Pereira Coutinho would describe his property as “my own  fief” (Weckmann, 1993, p. 98; cf. Schwartz, 1988, p. 218). The seignorial ethos did not look for profit or was guided by entrepreneurial rationality, but aimed at satisfying subjective needs relating to honor and prestige (Ferlini, 1991, p.36): “sometimes, only one generation is enough to transform a merchant into a sugar cane landlord” (Mattoso, 1983, p. 17). Franchise, the granting of privileges (Alden, 1970, p. 35; Batista, 1995),  and personal  subordination (Vianna, 1987, p. 130; Andrade, 1996, p. 161) are all European feudal terms still in everyday use in Brazil to describe social relations, to the astonishment of foreign observers (Samara, 1991, pp. 10-11; Diffie, 1970, p.3; Ferlini, 1986, pp. 150-160; cf. the “surprise” noted by Kuznesof, 1983, p. 184 and Da Matta, 1983, p. 184). For centuries ordinary people were considered as vassals (Velho, 1996). Some would argue that African slavery in the Americas was the result of this non-capitalist outlook, for it would be the inability of colonists to conceive of Europeans as chattel slaves which forced them to enslave non-Europeans (Eltis, 1993, p. 1422).

                               The Catholic roots of colonization stems from its characterition as a crusade (Lacombe, 1985, p. 52) and priests and colonists alike were prone to mysticism, with special attention to monstrous creatures and the Devil (Nogueira, 1984, pp. 87-98; Carrato, p. 122; Araújo, p. 145; cf. Morrone and Fortino, 1996, p. 76), as well as to the devotion to Saints (Gaeta, 1995, p. 17; Campos, 1987, p. 21; Mott, 1994, pp. 44-59). Indians were understood in the classic and medieval traditions (Lestringant, 1994). This catholic background would go a long way to explain the differences between the non-egalitarian ideology in Brazil and elsewhere in Hispanic America, on the one hand, and the United States bourgeois rationality, on the other (cf. Azevedo, 1995; Azevedo, 1996). The emphasis on continuity from the Middle Ages is overwhelming, not only in such authors like Gilberto Freyre, who proposed the so-called lusotropicological approach (cf. Bastide, 1972, pp. 228-238; cf. Briggs, 1997), but even Marxist and materialist authors admit the importance of non-capitalist features in  post-colonial and even contemporary Brazilian society (Alencastro, 1992). Richard Graham (1990) proposes that patronage was pervasive in the nineteenth century (cf. Graham, 1970, p. 222; Neves, 1991; Toledo, 1996) and the patriarchal structure is still dominating today, with strong seignorial overtones, if we are to accept the analyses of several scholars, most of them Marxist (e.g. Fernandes, 1995; Da Matta, 1991; Chauí, 1992; Ianni, 1978; 1980).

                               If we turn now our attention for a while to Hispanic America, we find most of these features (cf. Roniger, 1987, pp. 75-6 et passim) compounded by the persistence of Native American economic, social and cultural features. The social and cultural creolization of ordinary Hispanic Americans, through the imponderabilia of daily interactions with their Native American neighbors, often ignored by most archaeologists, is however of capital importance (Snows, 1997, p.162). So,  archaeological studies established that some areas continue to use a precolonial pattern of animal consumption, while others preferred Old World taxa, both ways, however, continuing Native American or Iberian foodways and traditions (de France, 1996, pp. 44-45). The mix of Native American and European material culture is pervasive and ubiquitous (e.g. Araujo, 1996). Thousands of tons of documents in Spanish and Latin are still to be studied (Lee and Markman, 1977, p. 57), as are Maya ghyphs and thus the divide prehistory/history is still more blurred than elsewhere (cf. Chase and Chase, 1996, p. 810). In this context, would then the definition of a world historical archaeology as the study of capitalism to be a non sequitur?

TOWARDS A WORLD PERSPECTIVE

                               In 1955, an archaeologist found at Tarragona, in Eastern Spain, a sink in marble, probably used in the Synagogue, bearing a trilingual inscription, in Hebrew, Latin, and Greek, a menorah or candelabrum in the center, the tree of life, two peacocks and a shofar, the sacred horn (Cantera and Millás, 1956, pp. 350-354; López, 1986, p. 54; FIGURE 1). The inscription in Hebrew reads “Peace to Israel, and to us, and to our children”, in Latin Pax Fides or “Peace Faith”; the Greek letters are unclear. Although undated, it was probably of early medieval date (seventh century AD).  In the Cathedral of Seville, there is a key offered, according to the local tradition, to King Fernando III, when he came into Seville for the first time in the 23rd of November, 1248, soon after the conquest of the town by Castillan troops. An inscription in Spanish reads “God will open <and> the King will come in”, and another one in Hebrew reads “the king of kings will open, the king of the whole land will come in” (Cantera and Millás, 1956, pp. 385-387; FIGURE 2). At the Palma de Mallorca Cathedral there are in store since at least 1634 two rimmonim or pomegranates used originally to store the Torah, and one of the incriptions in Hebrew states that they were “in the Synagogue of the Jewish, at Camarata”, most probably thus from a Sicilian temple. The artefacts were used before  the 12th of January 1493, when the Jews were expelled from Sicily, and the style of the rimmonim is influenced by Arab, Eastern and Byzantine traits (FIGURE 3). These artefacts testify continuty and change at the same time, having in common the fact that they were used in three different multicultural contexts. The sink was part of a late ancient oikoumene, in which the Synagogue was part of a Roman and Byzantine Mediterranean; the key was offered to a Spanish Christian king by a Jewish community which lived with Muslims for some centuries; and the pomegranades are part of a late Medieval Mediterranean world which comprised Catholics, Greek Ortodox, Jewish, and Muslisms.

                               There were thus, long before the discovery of the Americas by the Europeans, different multicultural worlds, starting with the Mediterranean oikoumene (FIGURE 4), whose extension and trading links were very far-reaching for a premodern period (Wheeler, 1955). “Granted that the Roman Empire was a preindustrial society - it nonetheless exhibits signs of complexity, order, and system in its institutions, to an extent which makes labels like ‘primitive’ inappropriate unless they are carefully qualified” (D’Arms, 1981, p. 13). Roman society was not a “market society”, a society in which producers were market-dependent, dependent on the market for the access to the means of life, labor, and self-reproduction, and subject to market imperatives (cf. Wood, 1994, p. 25). However, there was a Roman economy: throughout Roman history cost and profit have been carefully taken into account (Nicolet, 1988, p. 275 et passim). Studying different subjects, several scholars were amazed by the importance of the market place in the Roman world (e.g. Häussler, 1993, p. 71), as the study of local markets or nundinae show (Gabba, 1988, pp. 144-149 et passim), but especially struck were the archaeologists, dealing with a variety of artefacts (e.g. Remesal, 1982),  or with settlement patterns which followed circulation and exchange constraints (Corbier, 1991, p. 629). Estates could calculate “profit”and “loss” and the accounting system was designed and used in the the context of economically rational management (Rathbone, 1993, p. 387 et passim; cf. Kehoe, 1993, p. 483). If there was a free market (de Salvo, 1992, p.69), Roman wageworkers were not necessarily free people (Bürge, 1990, 135 et passim). The supply of different consumption products was not completely governed by market forces and the rôle of the Roman state was decisive (Funari, 1996, p. 85 et passim).

                               After the political breakdown of this oikoumene, the Mediterranean continued to act as a promoter of cultural exchanges and communication and if the Mediterranean unity of the ancient world continued after the Germanic invasions (pace Pirenne, 1939), the northwards shift of Europe’s focus from the Carolingians onwards (White, 1962, pp. 76-78) would not shatter the cultural Meriterranean koine  which enabled the production of the three Jewish artefacts, mentioned earlier,  in the Medieval period (Lombard, 1955, p.71). However, less than a century after the expulsion of Jews from Southern Europe, they continued their practices in America, interacting now with Native Americans and Subsaharan Africans (Andrade, 1962, p. 59). The world was much larger than the old Mediterranean oikoumene and there were new things and new concepts in action (cf. Koselleck, 1985, p. 87 et passim). The so-called scientific revolution of the Modern Era, significantly also known as scientific renaissance, because of its classical roots (Boas, 1962) was linked to trading, as Florentine measure in exchange with those of other towns enable us to see (FIGURE 5; Baxhandall, 1988, p.52). Leonardo da Vinci himself in chapter 29 of his Trattato della Pittura denies the old scholastic belief that only abstract sciences are worth and supports experience:

                               “To me it seems that those sciences are vain and full of error which are not born of experience, mother of all certainty, first-hand experience which in its origins, or means, or end has passed through one of the five senses...true sciences are those which, impelled by hope, have been penetrated by the senses so that the tongues of argument are silenced. They are not nourished on the dreams of investigators, but proceed in ordely sequence from the first true and established principles through successive stages to the end; as is shown by the elements of mathematics, that is to say number and measure, called arithmetic and geometry, which with complete truth treat of quantities both discontinous and continous. In them one does not argue if twice three make more or less than six, or that the angles of a triangle are less than the sum of two right angles: all argument is reduced to eternal silence, and those who are devoted to them can enjoy them with a peace which the lying sciences of the mind can never attain” (in Clark, 1973, pp. 84-85; cf. Barone, 1996).

                                But experience itself was part of the classical, as opposed to scholastic, thought (Kristeller, 1943) and, of course, “the Renaissance was essentially an age of transition, containing much that was still medieval, much that was recognizably modern, and, also, much that, because of the mixture of medieval and modern elements, was peculiar to itself” (Ferguson, 1971, p. 16). Tolstoi (1957, p. 1442) describes this situation of continuity and change with these notable words:

                               “Immediately the law of Copernicus was discovered and demonstrated the mere recognition of the fact that it was not the sun but the earth that moves destroyed the whole comography of the ancients. It might have been possible by refuting that law to retain the old conception of the movements of the heavenly bodies; but without refuting it it would seem impossible to continue studying the Ptolemaic worlds. Yet long after the discovery of the law of Copernicus the Ptolemaic worlds continued to be a subject of study”.

                                The Modern period then could not be considered as feudal and precapitalist, but neither was it a rational, capitalist monlith (Mello e Souza, 1996a). Continuity and change, local and global, traditional and innovative were the features of the enlarged, one and many worlds at the same time (Phillips and Phillips, 1992). There was not only an adoption of European traits but also the adoption of African, Asian and American traits in Europe, and elsewhere, so that what was going on was a process of “transculturation” (Ianni, 1996; cf. Barreto, 1951, p. 68). This brings us to a possible world definition of historical archaeology. The original American definition, linking inextricably historical archaeology and the study of capitalism, could pose a problem, for capitalism sprung in different places in different moments and became dominant worldwide only lately. Even if all archaeologists would agree that historical archaeology is the study of the capitalist period, and this is not sure, we have seen that Americans would favor a fifteenth century starting point, while in Europe most practitioners would prefer to equate capitalism and industrial revolution, continuing to label archaeologies devoted to specific historical periods. Elsewhere, the picture is even less clear, as probably neither Indian nor Chinese archaeologies would accept the American or the European outlooks. The Catholic Saint Paul’s Cathedral in Macao, China, even though similar to other church buildings the world over, shows some local features, and could never be considered a proof that China was integrated in the world capitalism (Shulin and Lin, 1997, p.15). Classical archaeology, on the other hand, refering as it does to Greek and Roman material culture, is meaningless in China, as is misleading the Medieval archaeology label, if applied to China, as the “feudal” society (770-221 BC) was followed by a unified Han dinasty China (Jian, 1986), according to Chinese historians and archaeologists; however, some would argue that a market mentality prevails in China after the introduction of Buddhism and does not depend on any European influence (Oxfeld, 1992, p. 291).

                               At this point, it would seem that there is little room for a world definition, as entrenched traditions would not bow to any encompassing compromisses. Americans will not accept to include Medieval archaeology under the fold of the discipline, as there are no castles in the United States, nor Europeans would dissolve the specific identities of Medieval, Post-Medieval and Industrial archaeologies. Asians would not accept to use neither American nor European labels. However, contemporary science bolsters pluralism (Baker, 1990, p. 59; Haber, 1996, p.384) and the mushrooming of different approaches in archaeology is only too natural (Dommasnis, 1990, p.30; Cohen, 1991, p.19; Preucel, 1991, p.14). A world approach to archaeology reveals how subjective archaeological labels and definitions has always been (Ucko, 1989, p. xii), but if we recognize this subjectivity (Vann, 1988) then we can discuss the different approaches and propose useful lines of communication and exchange between them. Instead of supposing that regional archaeological traditions would or should accept specific definitions, communication enables people to continue to act within their own scientific traditions and to profit from dialogue (cf. Petrilli, 1993, p. 360 et passim).

                               A world perspective would not limit historical archaeology to the study of European expansion (DeCorse, 1996, p. 19) or to an all-encompassing capitalist system (Little, 1994, p. 17) and would be concerned with the material culture of literate societies, paying special attention to the relationship between artefacts and written documents in different societies, using texts and archaeology as complementary evidence (Kosso, 1995, p. 194), as archaeological and documentary  sources pose similar and related problems of interpretation (Young, 1988, p. 11), and as apparent discrepancies between textual and archaeological sources must always be addressed by all scholars concerned with literate societie (Alcock, 1994, p.257 et passim). Incorporating history as a critical element in a dialectical account of change (McGuire and Saitta, 1996, p. 201; Saitta, 1997, p. 8) does not preclude an overall multidisciplinary approach (Miller and Tilley, 1996). Historical archaeology is particularly fit to study class divisions and exploitation (Saitta, 1992, p. 889; Saitta, 1994), giving a particularly direct acces into the everyday lives of all members of society, not only elites, but also, peasants, merchants, slaves or poor people (Saitta, 1995, p. 485), providing insights into ordinary peoples ethos (Deetz, 1991, p. 6; Hall, 1991, p. 78) and thus overcoming the one-sidedness of learned evidences (Paynter and McGuire, 1991; Johnson, 1992, p. 54). Subjects almost invisible in written documents are accessible through the study of material remains (Brown and Cooper, 1990, p.19), and a world historical archaeology should be in a good position to study the dynamic interactions between elites and non-elites, between vernacular and high-style (Paynter, 1988, p. 409; Pendery, 1992, p. 58).

                               St. Francis of Assisi Church building in Ouro Preto, Minas Gerais, Brazil, designed by a local crafstman, Aleijadinho (FIGURE 6), is related to eclectic High European architecture, especially to Borromini (Zevi, 1995, p. 32), but also to popular and even to African influences (Pifano, 1996) and its study by historical archaeology must be both interdisciplinary and critical (Fernandez, 1997; cf. Mello e Zouza, 1996b); the same would apply for the study of  eigheenth century votive offerings (Castro, 1996), of rural vernacular architecture in southern Brazil and northern Italy (Posenato, 1987) or German material culture in southern Brazil (Tamanini, 1995). However, would it be possible to avoid studying Greek and Roman town planning to understand Hispanic American towns? (FIGURES 7, 8, 9, 10,11,12; Contin and Larcamón, 1996; cf. Castillo, 1996, p. 67 et passim). The same applies to a wide variety of subjects, like cloisters in Europe and the Americas (e.g. Del Negro, 1997). This way, classical archaeologists could be interested in the subject, as could post-medieval archaeologists or American historical archaeologists. The point is that without abandoning the specificities of different intellectual fields and endeavours, dialogue would enable archaeologists to interact and to be in touch with approaches and outlooks which otherwise would continue to be ignored. This would be to the detriment of the advancement of knowledge itself, for the complexity (McGuire, 1996) of society, its features and changes would only gain with a trully world perspective, pluralist and interdisciplinary.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

                               I owe thanks to the following colleagues who forwarded paper (sometimes unpublished ones), exchanged ideas and helped me in different ways:  S. Alcock, D. Austin, C.M. Azevedo, J.R. Bárcena, J. Bernardo, E. De Decca, P.S. Del Negro, M. Díaz-Andreu, B. Fahmel, L.F.O. Fontes, A. Haber, O. Ianni, S. Jones, R. Hingley,  A. A. Kern, K. Kristiansen, S.T. Levi, K.G. Lightfoot, B. Little, J.M. López, D. Manacorda,  B.R. Mani, A.D. Mazel, R. McGuire, L. Miotti,  H. Mytum, J.P.A. Nunes,  C.E. Orser, Jr., I. Pikarayi, P.B. Potter, A. Prous,  J. Remesal, Jr., M. Rowlands, D. Saitta, P. Shackel, M. Shanks, D. Small, E. Tamanini, S. Tchernov, B.G. Trigger, P. Ucko, E.M. Wood, L. Zarmati. I must mention my gratiture for grants from the following institutions: World Archaeological Congress, Illinois State University, CNPq, FAPESP, CAPES, and FUNCAMP. The ideas presented here are my own, for which I am therefore solely responsible.

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CAPTIONS FOR ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Drawing and photograph of the white marble sink from Tarragona, Spain (75 x 14 x 44 cm). (López, 1996, p. 54; Cantera and Millás, 1956, p. 351).

2. Key stored in the Cathedral of Seville, Spain (20 x 5.3  x 4 cm); photographs from the original publication by Cantera and Millás (1956, p. 386).

3. Rammonim or pomegranades from Palma de Mallorca, Spain (31 x 10 cm); photographs from the original publication by Cantera and Millás (1956, pp. 389-390).

4. Largest ancient oikoumene: the Roman Empire; Roman Empire in the second century AD and Asian trade-routes (Wheeler, 1955, p.14).

5. Florentine measures in exchange with those of other towns, from Libro di mecatantie et usanze de paesi, Florence, 1481, pp. b iv. -b ii r. As published by Baxandall (1988, p.96).

6. St. Francis of Assisi Church building, Ouro Preto Minas Gerais, Brazil; eighteenth century ( Pifano, 1996, pp. 131-134).

7. The Greek City: Miletus (Contin and Larmacón, 1996. p. 92).

8. The Roman City: drawing from Vitruvius, 1536 (Contin and Larmacón, 1996, p.92).

9. Renaissance City: Turin the the 1500s (Contin and Larmacón, 1996, p.93).

10. Hispanic Colonial town: 1500s (Contin and Larmacón, 1996, p.94).

11. Town perspective in Greece and at the Argentine Pampa (Contin and Larmacón, 1996, p. 94).

12. Greek and Hispanic Colonial courtyard (Contin and Larmacón, 1996, p.95).

[1] Departamento de História, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Caixa Postal 6110, Campinas, 13081-970, São Paulo, Brazil.

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